Speaking in the Dáil today on a special motion on Democracy in Zimbabwe strongly condemned the monstrous Mugabe regime. She also laid some of the blame for the situation at the feet of the International Monetary Fund whose austerity programmes had a huge negative impact on Zimbabwe. She also spoke of the need for land reform in South Africa and Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe, that most beautiful of African countries, with its wonderful people has a wonderful capacity to recover, if its friends, within Africa and in the rest of the world, come to its assistance. It is a fertile country, has an enterprising people, and a capacity for tourism and food production.
We correctly condemn the monstrousness of President Mugabe’s regime and what has emerged. The root causes of what happened in Zimbabwe, alongside his personal and political failings, lie in the fact that when Mugabe came to power he immediately set about, to the general applause of the world, making sure people could read and write and that a minimum access to a rudimentary public health system was made available. When the IMF started its process of decimating public services in developing countries Zimbabwe was among the first areas to take a hit.
Unlike the South African Government after apartheid, President Mugabe borrowed to fund public services, for which his government was severely punished by the International Monetary Fund. I disagree with Deputy Timmins to the extent that the Lancaster House agreement left to one side the issue of land redistribution to poor African farmers, the majority of whom are women who feed their families and send their small surpluses to market. It is not good enough for white farmers in South Africa and Zimbabwe to suggest they can have 3,000 acres or more while the 100 to 500 African farmers who live on these large estates can have less than one quarter of an acre per head to grow a few rows of maize and tomatoes. Many of these farming families have six or seven children.
The Irish experience was raised. Ireland’s experience in this regard was wonderful because we addressed the land issue in a reasonable and politically acceptable manner, first in the 19th century through the 40 shilling freehold and, second, in the post-independence through the Land Commission. We should discuss this model with Africans because one cannot secure peace in Zimbabwe without land reform.
I attended the civil society part of the Lancaster House conference with the late Seán McBride, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs. It was clear to all the participants, as has been clear in Kenya recently, that we need to arrive at a settlement. President Mugabe will go and a new government will be formed. I have great confidence in the ability of the people of Zimbabwe to overcome the current nightmare and start afresh.
The Government and European Union need to be realistic about a land settlement. More than ever, leadership is required, particularly from President Mbeki of South Africa who, having been around this course, needs to show courage, as does his Government, by doing not only what is politic, but also what is right. In return, the Government and European Union should acknowledge the significant economic burden South Africa is bearing in sheltering within its borders millions of illegal immigrants, many of whom are effectively refugees.
The text of the motion was as follows:
That Dáil Éireann, concerned at the deadlock of the democratic process in Zimbabwe following the elections of 29 March 2008, the reported widespread violence and the ongoing humanitarian crisis in that country:
– calls on the African Union and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) to lead international pressure for a democratic and peaceful resolution to the current crisis;
– supports the Irish Government’s efforts to raise the issue as a matter of urgency at international level and, in particular, with South Africa and with Irish Aid’s programme countries in the SADC (Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Lesotho and Tanzania);
– welcomes UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon’s call for a UN role to resolve the crisis while the current democratic deadlock persists, and the active role being played by the EU;
– regrets the delays in completion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe which is only contributing to growing uncertainty and instability within Zimbabwe and the wider region;
– deplores the widespread reports of serious post-election violence in Zimbabwe, including killings, forced evictions, human rights repressions and threats, beatings and torture of opposition supporters, election workers, trade unionists, police, medical workers and all other individuals;
– stresses the urgent need for the ending of all such violence and for the creation of a political and social environment conducive to the peaceful conclusion of the electoral process in Zimbabwe, free of all intimidation and violence and guaranteeing full respect for freedom of assembly, movement and expression;
– calls for the broadest and most effective international observation in the event of any further rounds of voting and campaigning in Zimbabwe;
– welcomes the continuing assistance which Irish Aid is giving to the people of Zimbabwe and looks forward to supporting the reconstruction of Zimbabwe’s democratic institutions and the protection of its economic assets; and
– looks forward to re-establishing warm relations with the parliament of Zimbabwe following a successful democratic conclusion to the election process.